By Michael Goldstein
By Dennis Romero
By Sarah Fenske
By Matthew Mullins
By Patrick Range McDonald
By LA Weekly
By Dennis Romero
By Simone Wilson
If W. is indeed inaugurated on January 20, the first people he needs to thank -- even before brother Jeb or ever-helpful Florida Secretary of State Katherine Harris -- are the residents of Jacksonville, Florida, and surrounding Duval County. And not so much those who voted for him, though they gave him a 45,000 majority, his largest in the state. His heartiest thanks should go to the 22,000 people (many of them African-Americans) who spoiled their ballots by punching holes next to two presidential candidates -- and to the Republican county election supervisors whose sample ballot instructed them to do just that.
Duval County election officials might deserve an extra pat on the back for not drawing attention to the fact (or, as they say, not noticing) that an unprecedented number of votes were voided and that these came from mostly Democratic precincts. W. might also (perhaps as a gesture of bipartisanship and “healing”) want to thank the Gore campaign officials and Democratic lawyers whose inattention andor bad judgment left Duval County ballot issues -- with more votes at stake than in Palm Beach or Miami-Dade counties -- out of the court challenges until it was almost too late to contest them.
At the eleventh hour, U.S. Rep. Corrine Brown, a Florida Democrat, and other Jacksonville public officials, joined by Jesse Jackson‘s Rainbow Push Coalition, filed suit in Tallahassee against the canvassing board and the Bush-Cheney ticket. The complaint, filed late Tuesday, charges disenfranchisement, citing the ballot problems and other irregularities. In a possible end run around congested state courts, a federal Voting Rights Act lawsuit was being amended in district court in Miami by the Rev. Al Sharpton’s National Action Network to include Duval issues, said attorney Michael Hardee from New York City.
As in Palm Beach County, Duval residents were confronted November 7 with a ballot spreading Florida‘s 10 presidential choices over two pages, with W. and Gore heading Page 1. Unlike the now notorious “butterfly ballot,” Duval’s required turning the page to see all choices. But sample ballots, inserted in the November 5 edition of Jacksonville‘s Times-Union, gave no indication of this -- despite Florida statutes dictating, “Sample ballots shall be in the form of the official ballot as it will appear at that polling place on Election Day.” The sample ballots listed all presidential candidates on a single page. They also gave, as item four in a five-point list of voting tips, the instruction “Vote on every page.”
Voters taking this direction to heart would, after registering their choice for W. or Gore, proceed to pick among the five relatively obscure candidates on Page 2 and so void their presidential preference with an “overvote.” A line on the bottom of Page 1 noting that presidential candidates continued on the next page was not enough guidance for more than 20,000 voters. Nor was the last-minute instruction (“Vote on appropriate pages”) posted on the machines at the polls.
The highest proportions of these overvotes were found in the four primarily black council districts, where almost one in five votes (more than 30 percent in some precincts) were thrown out. By contrast, in mostly white districts, the number of invalid ballots was no higher than 9 percent. In the county as a whole, the rate of invalid ballots was three times as high as in previous elections.
Were these overvotes a simple matter of “voter error” for which there was no legal remedy, or were they subject to recount or court review to determine “voter intention”? Some legal experts say the Democrats should have promptly pressed the matter in court.
USC law professor Erwin Chemerinsky, a witness in the Palm Beach “butterfly” case, says this too was “an illegal ballot,” especially with the “misdirection” in the sample ballot, and that a Florida judge would have broad latitude to find a remedy -- like a new election. However, Chemerinsky adds, time has now about run out for an effective correction. Santa Monica attorney Fred Woocher, who specializes in California election law, says it would be a “damn good case” because of the difference between sample and actual ballots. One reasonable remedy, he suggests, might be to split the overvotes between the two candidates indicated on a ballot. But Woocher “wouldn’t want to predict how a Florida court would rule.”
No court, to this point, has addressed the issue, since Democrats were not made aware of the problem in a timely manner. Election staffers did not notice the huge disparity between ballots cast and valid votes until two days after Election Day. And, they said, when they did notice, Democratic officials were not the first they told about it.
Assistant Supervisor of Elections Dick Carlberg says “concerned citizens” who added up the numbers had been calling in and “we called Tallahassee right away” but got no advice from the office of Secretary of State Harris. Later that day, says Carlberg, he ran an “over and under” program (“the first time I‘ve ever fired it up”) to see why so many ballots were voided. Carlberg tried to get the division director and computer people in Tallahassee, but “they were just hosed,” he says, in the wake of the statewide automatic recount.
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